#543 - February 16, 2001

Nuclear Monitor Issue: 
#543
16/02/2001
Full issue

Australians battle nuclear reactor plan

Nuclear Monitor Issue: 
#543
16/02/2001
Article

(February 16, 2001) The battle continues over the Australian government's plan to build a 20-megawatt research reactor at Lucas Heights on the outskirts of Sydney, Australia's most populous city.

(543.5248) Jim Green - The government and the Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation (ANSTO) hope to begin construction of the reactor in 2002. Currently, there is only one operating reactor in Australia, the 10 megawatt HIFAR reactor at Lucas Heights.

Many Australians - including a number of nuclear scientists and engineers - question whether the successful tenderer for the reactor project, INVAP from Argentina, has the experience and expertise to successfully and safely manage the project.

To pursue the plan for a new reactor, the federal government and ANSTO have felt it necessary to reduce public opposition by reducing the radioactive waste stockpile at Lucas Heights.

The government will write, "review" and rubber-stamp an Environmental Impact Statement concerning the plan for a low-level radioactive waste dump in rural South Australia over the next 12-18 months. Surveys show that 86-95 per cent of South Australians are opposed to the proposed dump, and this opposition may yet scuttle the planned dump.

As for spent reactor fuel, some has been sent to the USA for indefinite storage and some to the UK and France for reprocessing. The government and ANSTO hope to use the French Cogema plant to reprocess spent fuel from the new reactor if it proceeds.

Reprocessed wastes will be returned to Australia for indefinite storage. No storage facility exists, and opposition to hosting such a facility has been fierce.

Government officials have publicly discussed the possibility of building a reprocessing or conditioning plant in Australia to treat spent fuel, and this remains a contingency in the event that overseas reprocessing options are closed off. Reprocessing is illegal in Australia, which begs the question why it is acceptable to reprocess spent fuel overseas.

Medical rhetoric
There are many concerns with the replacement reactor project, but the primary problem is that Australia has no need for a new reactor. We have been fed repeated lies about the "need" for a new reactor to produce medical isotopes. However, there is overwhelming evidence debunking this rhetoric.

A better strategy would be to close the HIFAR reactor combined with:

  1. Greater reliance on imported isotopes;
  2. Ongoing use of the existing cyclotrons in Sydney and Melbourne and others that are likely to be built in Australia;
  3. Further research into non-reactor isotope sources (e.g. cyclotrons, spallation technology) with the aim of reducing demand for imported, reactor-produced isotopes; and
  4. Greater reliance on alternative clinical technologies (such as computerised tomography and magnetic resonance imaging).

Importation is a viable alternative to a domestic reactor for numerous important isotopes, including the most commonly used diagnostic isotope technetium-99m (actually it is the longer-lived parent molybdenum-99 that is imported) and also therapeutic and palliative isotopes. The major global isotope suppliers have the capacity to supply world demand several times over. More than three-quarters of all nuclear medicine procedures carried out around the world use imported isotopes.

Of course, importing isotopes means exporting the problems associated with research reactors - hence the need for greater use of, and research into, non-reactor isotope sources.

The main non-reactor isotope sources are cyclotrons, which produce about 20 per cent of the isotopes used in nuclear medicine. Because they are powered by electricity rather than the uranium fission reaction of a nuclear reactor, cyclotrons have important advantages: - they generate only a tiny fraction of the waste of research reactors (typically far less than 10%) - they pose no risk in relation to nuclear weapons proliferation (for comparison, consider the use of research reactors to produce plutonium for weapons in India and Israel); and - cyclotrons are much safer than reactors (for comparison, there have been at least three fatal research reactor accidents around the world: Yugoslavia, 1958; USA, 1958; Argentina, 1983).

"National interest"
The medical rationale for a new reactor has become so implausible that the government itself has acknowledged that the debate over isotope supply options "has not been resolved satisfactorily". According to the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Australian Safeguards Office, the plan for a new reactor is "first and foremost" being driven by a "national interest" agenda.

 

Nuclear waste sneaked out the back door

In January a nuclear waste convoy from Lucas Heights was sneaked out of a side entrance and taken to a ship in Sydney docks, avoiding a group of about 200 protesters. Greenpeace activists in inflatable boats tried unsuccessfully to prevent the ship docking, but the spent fuel was successfully loaded onto the ship bound for the French reprocessing plant at La Hague.
smh.co.au, 23 January 2001

Essentially the argument is that by being involved in international and regional nuclear fora, Australia gets an insider's look at nuclear programs and is thus better placed to pursue commercial objectives (i.e. uranium sales) and (selective) non-proliferation objectives. To maintain this involvement, the argument goes, Australia needs a new reactor to train the next generation of nuclear experts.

The government wants to maintain Australia's seat on the Board of Governors of the IAEA, and claims that operating a research reactor is necessary to maintain that position. That claim is open for debate, and in any case the position is not put to good use. As nuclear campaigner and researcher Jean McSorley argues, "It would not be a bad thing if Australia were in there pushing for stricter safeguards, a separation of promotion and watch-dog activities and stringent safety laws. If Australia did that it would, more than likely, lose its Board of Governors seat. So, Australia has to be part of the promotional stakes to keep within the upper echelons of the IAEA."

As for the argument that training the next generation of nuclear experts on a new reactor will assist in the pursuit of nuclear non-proliferation objectives, the primary problem is that Australia's position on non-proliferation and disarmament is mixed, to say the least. In particular, the major political parties (the Liberal/National coalition and the Labor Party) both rely on the US nuclear umbrella as a central plank of Australian "defense" policy.

If the government was really serious about non-proliferation and disarmament, one positive step would be to close the Lucas Heights reactor without replacement. That in itself would have a powerful symbolic effect - an advanced industrial country deciding that life is indeed possible without a nuclear reactor.

Better still, the closure of the Lucas Heights reactor should be tied to the development and international promotion of non-reactor technologies for medical and scientific applications. There are numerous alternative technologies - such as cyclotrons and spallation sources - and their development has been impeded by preferential funding for reactor technology.

[Jim Green's PhD thesis - "Reactors, Radioisotopes and the HIFAR Controversy" was completed in the Department of Science and Technology Studies, University of Wollongong, in 1997. He works as a journalist for the Green Left Weekly newspaper (www.greenleft.org.au) and his nuclear research can be found at www.geocities.com/jimgreen3.]

Source and contact: Jim Green, tel. +61 2 9211 0805
Email: jimgreen3@hotmail.com or jimgreen3@ozemail.com.au
Web site www.geocities.com/jimgreen3

 

California: Another NPP shutdown aggravates energy crisis

Nuclear Monitor Issue: 
#543
16/02/2001
Article

(February 16, 2001) Following the contribution of a fault at Diablo Canyon in January to California's electricity crisis (see WISE News Communique 542.5240: "Deregulatory disaster in California"), a shutdown at another nuclear power plant has contributed to the state's energy woes.

(543.5244) Public Citizen - The emergency shutdown on 3 February 2001 of San Onofre nuclear reactor No. 3 not only exacerbates California's energy crisis but provides a disturbing example of why the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission's (NRC) industry-friendly maintenance rules are inadequate to stave off catastrophic failures.

The reactor, located on U.S. 5 between San Diego and Los Angeles, had been shut down for about a month for refueling and maintenance. It was in the process of being brought back into operation on 3 February when one of the electrical breakers in the plant "failed catastrophically," according to an NRC event report. The breaker exploded, causing a short and a fire that forced the reactor to be shut down. It will likely remain down for several weeks. The reactor generates approximately 1,100 megawatts, or enough to power 1.1 million homes, according to published reports.

The NRC's maintenance rule requires utilities to do preventive maintenance of "important equipment" to ensure there are no catastrophic failures. But the NRC and the nuclear industry have been cutting back on the amount of time a nuclear reactor is taken out of service for refueling and maintenance by narrowing the scope of work conducted and allowing more maintenance to be conducted while the reactor is operating. The idea is to increase the utility's profitability by decreasing the time reactors are down. The breaker that blew on 3 February is not considered "important equipment," so it is not covered by NRC's maintenance rule.

"The NRC and the nuclear industry have been skimping on maintenance during refueling to improve the profitability of nuclear reactors," said Jim Riccio, senior policy analyst for Public Citizen's Critical Mass Energy and Environment Program. "The nuclear industry's shortsightedness and greed may extend California's electricity woes for several more weeks as the nuclear plant recovers from the fire. Rather than providing relief to California's electricity crisis, the nuclear industry is contributing to it." The utility declared the explosion and fire to be an "unusual event" -- the lowest level of the four emergency event classifications used by the NRC.

Source and contact: Public Citizen, 1600 20th St. NW, Washington, DC 20009, US
Tel: +1-202-588 1000
Email: cmep@citizen.org
Internet: www.citizen.org/cmep

Exelon seeks to build new reactors in US

Nuclear Monitor Issue: 
#543
16/02/2001
Article

(February 16, 2001) In the first clear indication in more than 20 years of utility interest in building new atomic reactors in the US, the Exelon Corporation has asked the NRC for an expedited schedule for the licensing and construction of new "pebble-bed" reactors.

(543.5243) NIRS - According to its presentation to the NRC on January 31, Exelon wants to start by building seven 110 MW Pebble Bed Modular Reactors (PBMR) at an undisclosed site, beginning by 2004. Exelon is a minority owner in a consortium that is seeking to build the same reactor design in South Africa (see WISE News Communique 512.5036: "South Africa to build new nuclear reactors".) The company is hoping to begin building that reactor in 2003, with testing to begin in 2005-well after U.S. construction would begin, according to the utility's schedule.

Exelon is a holding company formed from the merger of Commonwealth Edison and PECO Energy. It also includes AmerGen, which is half owned by British Energy. The three companies involved in Exelon already control some 10% of the world's nuclear power plants. Other partners in the PBMR project include British Nuclear Fuels, Eskom-a South African firm, and IDC, a South African state-owned financier.

The January 31 meeting was marked by Exelon's insistence that the NRC adopt the utility's schedule for reactor construction, rather than-as might be considered normal for an applicant-a request than the NRC accommodate Exelon's schedule. Apparently, Exelon wants to be sure all procedural and regulatory hurdles are overcome during the Bush administration.

However, Exelon wants a lot. For example, it believes its new reactor design is so safe that it does not need a containment; instead the utility's presentation spoke of a "citadel" structure over the reactor. Exelon believes that the ceramic coating over the tens of thousands of fuel pellets that would be used as fuel for the reactor is sufficient to serve as a normal reactor containment despite the fact that such a design would require 100% perfection in the manufacture of these thousands of fuel pellets-an undoubtedly impossible goal.

But Exelon doesn't stop there. It wants the Emergency Planning Zone for these new reactors to be reduced from 10 miles (16 km) to less than half a mile (0.8km). It wants the NRC to provide a combined construction/operating license before it has even completed tests on its first South African reactor (which itself is under considerable opposition in that country). It apparently wants some relief from Price-Anderson Act considerations (a nuclear liability fund to cover the costs of a catastrophic nuclear accident), as well as from prohibitions against majority foreign ownership of reactors. Exelon also wants the NRC to give it a combined construction/operating license, before it certifies its reactor design (and it wants to certify the design based on its South African experience-which it does not yet have-rather than go through the normal NRC certification process).

Where Exelon would want to build these seven new reactors is unknown, but it is unlikely that there are many localities eager to embrace them. Exelon envisions these reactors as being "merchant" plants-designed to sell electricity on the wholesale level, rather than directly to consumers. That would seem to indicate Pennsylvania as a likely spot for the reactors, since Exelon is essentially a Pennsylvania company, and that state has deregulated its electricity market sufficiently to be attractive to "merchant" generators. But that is by no means a given: Exelon and its various partners are, at this point, the most expansionist nuclear utility in the business.

The NRC provided little indication about its position toward Exelon's demands during the January 31 meeting, but also provided no sense that it would not be willing to bend to the company's requests.

Will Exelon succeed in being the first company to take a new reactor from initial order to licensing in the US since October 1973? Odds are, no. The design of the reactors is too different, and beyond the NRC's experience to handle on the fast-track schedule Exelon is demanding. Siting of the reactors will be tremendously controversial. The reactors may offer improved safety, but they can't ensure complete safety, and they still produce radioactive waste, just like any other reactor.

But stopping Exelon, which seems determined to become the world's dominant nuclear utility, won't be easy. It will take concerted grassroots effort, wherever Exelon ultimately decides to try to site its reactors.

Source and contact: Nuclear Information and Resource Service, 1424 16th Street NW, #404, Washington, DC 20036, US
Tel: +1 202 328 0002; Fax: +1 202 462 2183;
Email nirsnet@nirs.org; Internet: www.nirs.org

Implications of BNFL abandoning Magrox fuel

Nuclear Monitor Issue: 
#543
16/02/2001
Article

(February 16, 2001) In WISE News Communique 542 ("In Brief") we reported briefly on BNFL's announcement to abandon its plans to replace the metallic uranium fuel in two of its Magnox NPPs with "Magrox", an oxide fuel. This article describes some further implications of this decision.

(543.5246) Hugh Richards - BNFL's decision to abandon the development of MAGROX fuel, announced January 25 2001, raises serious questions about the future of Wylfa and Oldbury. Back in May 2000 the plan to extend the lives of these stations to 2013 (Oldbury) and 2016/2021 (Wylfa) was said to be dependent on MAGROX fuel, which was destined to be reprocessed through Sellafield's Thorp plant.

The abandonment of MAGROX illustrates the length of time that key elements of the BNFL business plan survive internal let alone external scrutiny, in this case eight months. The commercial risk of possible regulatory delay, the main reason given for abandonment, should have been known about last May. The wary attitude of the regulator "MAGROX is inherently less controllable" was known to NGO's back in 1999, so why not to BNFL?

BNFL is desperate to operate Wylfa and Oldbury for as long as possible, but Magnox fuel has to be reprocessed through the dilapidated B205 Magnox reprocessing plant at Sellafield built in 1965. B205 has to close in 2012, at the latest, to meet Britain's OSPAR commitments to reduce discharges to near zero by 2020. In their Jan 25th announcement BNFL acknowledge 'current Magnox fuel cycle problems' substantiating the rumor that B205 is failing to meet its targets and may not limp-on as long as 2012.

A new head-end plant, to put Magnox fuel through Thorp, is being considered as an alternative to MAGROX. However, BNFL say it will be at least three years before it can confirm whether this would be financially viable and the 'lead time' for such a plant is said to be about six years. If the plant is not going to be ready before 2010 all the older Magnox reactors would have closed by then, leaving Oldbury and Wylfa as the only stations capable of justifying the investment. A further uncertainty is that all Thorp's current reprocessing contracts will have finished by 2007- 2009, and the output of the last two ageing Magnox stations cannot justify keeping it going.

The head-end plant is likely to prove as 'unviable' as MAGROX. One implication of B205's failure to cope with the spent fuel throughput is an accelerated closure of Magnox stations.

BNFL cannot rely on Oldbury and Wylfa operating much longer. Quite apart from the 'superheater weld' defects at Wylfa which have kept the station out of action for the last nine months, both Wylfa and Oldbury have suffered greater radiolytic corrosion of their graphite cores than any other stations on the system. It is predicted that, before it is 35 years old in two years time, Oldbury will have lost nearly half the graphite in its worst affected blocks. Wylfa is considered only marginally better. These predictions are made in confidential nuclear industry documents, which survey the state of the Magnox reactor cores at the 'end of life'.

Crucially, these documents predict the 'failure' of parts of the graphite cores before 2006 in the case of Wylfa, and 2003 at Oldbury. The Nuclear Installations Inspectorate has thus far (as of 11 February 2001) been unwilling to confirm that it has copies of all these documents.

The loss of graphite moderator means there is an insufficient supply of slow neutrons to sustain the chain reaction, so the reactors are gradually losing output, as they 'die'. Periodic Safety Reviews will be necessary for Oldbury and Wylfa within the next few years. There is lot for these reviews to consider. A pipe burst in a reactor at either Oldbury or Wylfa would inject steam directly into the core at over twice the pressure of the carbon dioxide coolant. A physical shock to any of these reactor cores could very easily displace the most unstable graphite blocks by more than the 40mm - 50mm necessary to prevent the control rods entering the channel to shut down the reactor. Displaced graphite blocks would also lead to a build up of heat in the blocked channels, and may damage the fuel elements leading to the possibility of fuel ignition and meltdown, if cooling could not be restored in time.

Given the poor state of their reactors, with the structural stability of the cores increasingly in doubt as they age, the campaign to close both stations is building up momentum. The crunch may come as the three million people within 35 miles of Oldbury demand to know what arrangements have been made for their evacuation in the event of a severe accident. A sign that BNFL knows that 'the game is up' at Wylfa is their decision to use external bracing to stop the superheater pipes 'popping out' of the reactors (Nucleonics Week, 8 February 2001). This is a deplorably deficient 'sticking plaster' solution compared with internal bracing or redoing the welds. It will not stop the welds actually bursting, and suggests that BNFL are not taking their responsibilities seriously, perhaps because they have realised the reactors have become 'unviable'.

Source and contact: Hugh Richards, WANA, PO Box 1, Llandrindod Wells, Powys LD1 5AA, UK
Tel/Fax: +44 1982 570362.
Email: hughrichards@gn.apc.org

In brief

Nuclear Monitor Issue: 
#543
16/02/2001
Article

HMS Tireless update.

(February 16, 2001) Latest reports on the restart of the nuclear reactor confirm that it is to be restarted and tested on site in Gibraltar and not at sea. This follows repeated action against the continued presence of the nuclear submarine in Gibraltar and statements by the British Ambassador in Madrid, Peter Torry, that the submarine can be safely repaired by March. Lack of safety precautions and warnings for the surrounding population are fuelling more action and calls for democratic rights for the people of Gibraltar.
After a 60 000 strong protest action in Algeciras in January, to demand the immediate removal of the submarine, criminal lawsuits have been filed in the Spanish Supreme Court against both the Spanish and British Governments as well as the captain of the submarine.
Continued action by Greenpeace has resulted in 10 activists being fined GBP350 (US$500) each for obstructing police during their approach to the submarine on January 16th. Activists from Spain, Germany, Austria, Italy and Andorra were involved in the fast launch action in the Naval Dockyard. The "Tireless 10" were repelled by the submarine crew and during scuffles one woman was injured. Two other charges were dropped. It has emerged that 7 out of 12 of the fleet of British hunter killer submarines had signs of cracking at the same critical junction in their reactor cooling system. All 7 were withdrawn from service for repairs at the end of last year. John Large, nuclear advisor to the Gibraltar government, says the failure to diagnose the problem earlier poses major questions about inspection and maintenance of these submarines. Sur, January 2001 and February 2001

 

Hungary: Paks NPP's lifetime extended to 50 years? The board of directors of the Paks NPP has approved a strategy document called "vision for the future", which proposes to extend its lifetime by at least 10 years and potentially 20 years beyond its assumed lifetime of 30 years. The board also approved a power capacity up-rate from the present 470 MW (each unit) to 500-510 MW. Nucleonics Week, 1 February 2001

K2/R4: The battle is not over yet - get involved!

Nuclear Monitor Issue: 
#543
16/02/2001
Article

(February 16, 2001) The decision by the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) to approve a loan for completion of the Ukrainian reactors Khmelnitsky-2 and Rivne-4 (K2/R4) was a setback for campaigners against nukes in Eastern Europe, but the battle to stop these projects is not over yet by any means.

(543.5249) WISE Amsterdam - Although the EBRD approved the loan for the completion of K2/R4 replacement reactors last year (see WISE News Communique 540.5226: "EBRD approves K2R4 loan - campaign continues") the money itself will only be disbursed after Ukraine fulfils a series of conditions:

  • Full enhancement of the safety, not only of K2/R4 but also of all the other 13 nuclear facilities owned by Energoatom,
  • Full implementation of reforms of the electricity sector (particularly privatization of the distribution sector),
  • Increase in cash collection
  • A report by a body of international nuclear regulators that their Ukrainian counterpart meets the necessary criteria on independence and has the resources to assure operations of all nuclear facilities according to "western safety standards"

As the Ukraine falls more and more into a deep political crisis with President Kuchma allegedly being involved in the murder on a journalist its highly unclear whether the country will ever meet the criteria. On the other hand the EBRD really seems to like the Kuchma government; the bank has increased its operations in the Ukraine which could exceed 500 million Euros this year.

Meanwhile the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) for the K2 reactor has been conducted, while the EIA for R4 is expected to start later. According to Bankwatch the government has a strange way of dealing with the EIA. Up till now the only participation invited from the NGO's was a letter in which the government asks the following question: Does your organization support completion of new nuclear units at Khmelnitsky and Rivne NPP's? Most probably a 'no' will lead to the NGO not being invited to any further public steps to be taken in the EIA...

Bankwatch, in collaboration with local and national NGO's in the Ukraine will try to prove that the Ukraine does not meet the required criteria. But the NGO's are facing bad working conditions; it is hard to make clear that the whole public participation process is a complete farce when working under conditions of repression and a failing government. Besides the demands that the government make the EIA documents public and organize sufficient public consultations, the Bankwatch network is at the same time preparing legal steps against the authorities responsible for the whole process towards a final decision on the future of K2/R4. The network is trying to provide evidence that the documents be needed for an EIA process simply do not exist - if they lose this case they can at least demand that the documents be published.

International or non-Ukrainian NGO's can support the Bankwatch campaign by addressing the Ukrainian government that they should open the EIA process not only to the own citizens but also accept foreign involvement, as required under the Espoo convention.

Source and contact: Olexi Pasyuk, International Energy Coordinator, CEE Bankwatch Network, PO Box #89, 01025, KIEV, Ukraine
Phone: + 380 44 2386260, Fax: + 380 44 2386259
Email opasyuk@bankwatch.org
Web site http://www.bankwatch.org

Sellafield: Waste tanks incident

Nuclear Monitor Issue: 
#543
16/02/2001
Article

(February 16, 2001) An incident at Sellafield's High Level Waste tanks on 26 January 2001 was kept secret for two weeks, only being revealed in BNFL's Sellafield Newsletter on 9 February. The incident caused suspension of a number of Sellafield's operations, including reprocessing at THORP.

(543.5242) WISE Amsterdam - Ironically, the incident happened as a result of improvements intended to increase safety and reduce radioactive discharges into the atmosphere. The ventilation system for dealing with the gases given off by the highly radioactive liquid waste in the tanks had just been improved. However, an electrical wiring fault in part of this system cuased the system to malfunction, leading to a build up of explosive gases. Alarms warned that the system was malfunctioning, but staff ignored the alarms for nearly three hours before taking action to solve the problem. The incident has been provisionally classified as Level 1 on the International Nuclear Event Scale (INES).

Government Ministers were informed several days after the event by inspectors from the Nuclear Installations Inspectorate (NII), Britain's nuclear safety authority, which is part of the Health and Safety Executive (HSE). However, an HSE press release dated 31 January 2001, announcing an NII order to BNFL to reduce the quantity of waste stored in the same tanks, made no mention of the incident that had happened five days previously.

The highly radioactive liquid in the tanks, known as Highly Active Liquor (HAL), is essentially a solution of fission products in nitric acid. This radioactive liquid, which remains after plutonium and unused uranium have been extracted during reprocessing, is initially stored in tanks which must be actively cooled and ventilated 24 hours a day. Failure of cooling and ventilation systems can have disastrous consequences: when a similar tank blew up in Kyshtym in the Russian area of Chelyabinsk in 1957, the resulting nuclear accident was second only to Chernobyl in magnitude, devastating an area the size of central London.

Because of this, the NII has been pressing BNFL for years to convert the waste to a more stable form as soon as possible. BNFL set up a Waste Vitrification Plant (WVP) to convert the waste to glass blocks, which are safer because they do not need active cooling. However, the throughput achieved by the first two waste vitrification lines has been lower than expected, with particular problems in the 1995/96 and 1996/97 periods. The plant was also sabotaged last year (the culprits remain undetected). BNFL declared in 1995 that it would have a third vitrification line ready in 1999, but failed to meet this target.

The order made to BNFL on 31 January, as mentioned in the HSE press release, took the form of a "Specification" - a legally binding requirement - reducing the maximum permitted storage of HAL at Sellafield. The current storage limit is 1,575 cubic metres, and the Specification states that this is to be reduced by 35 cubic metres a year until 2012, when it will be rapidly reduced to the minimum needed to feed the vitrification plant (the "buffer stock"). In order to reduce HAL stocks, the HAL must be vitrified at a faster rate than reprocessing produces more of it. 2012 is the planned closure date of Sellafield's B205 Magnox reprocessing plant (see article elsewhere in this issue), and the planned rapid reduction of HAL stocks from this date is clearly related to B205's closure.

However, the NII states that the major contribution to the hazard potential comes from HAL derived from the Thermal Oxide Reprocessing Plant (THORP). Laurence Willams, head of the NII, said in the press release: "We will not hesitate to use our regulatory powers to halt THORP reprocessing, should that be necessary, in order to keep BNFL within the Specification". It is now clear that Williams did hesitate to inform the public of the incident of 26 January. A spokesman for the Nuclear Free Local Authorities said: "Days after this potential disaster occurred the Nuclear Installations Inspectorate still pressed ahead with a feeble plan to give BNFL to July 2015 to clear the waste backlog. At the time we said the plan was totally inadequate and information about the build up of explosive gases on 26 January now demonstrates the dangers."

The staff reaction to the incident, ignoring the alarm for nearly three hours, once more demonstrates BNFL's "serious safety culture problem", as the NII described it following last year's investigation into BNFL's management of safety systems at Sellafield. However, the quickest way to reduce Sellafield's stock of high level radioactive liquid waste is to stop reprocessing, so that no more is produced and the existing stocks can be vitrified.

Sources: Contact:

Sources:

  • HSE Press Release E015:01, 31 January 2001
  • CORE News Briefing, nos. 05/01 (2 February 2001) and 06/01 (12 February 2001)
  • "The storage of liquid high level waste at BNFL Sellafield: an updated report of safety", NII, February 2000
  • Nuclear Free Local Authorities press release, 12 February 2001
  • The Observer, 11 February 2001

Contact: Cumbrians Opposed to a Radioactive Environment (CORE), 98 Church Street, Barrow, Cumbria LA14 2HJ, UK
Tel: +44 1229 833851. Fax: +44 1229 812239.
Email: info@core.furness.co.uk

Taiwan: Two sides to the nuclear coin

Nuclear Monitor Issue: 
#543
16/02/2001
Article

(February 16, 2001) The decision to cancel Taiwan's Fourth Nuclear Power Plant project (Lungmen) has been reversed as part of an agreement between the Premier Chang Chung-hsiung and Legislative Speaker Wan Jin-pyng. However, the same agreement also states that the ultimate goal is a nuclear-free Taiwan.

(543.5245) WISE Amsterdam - This agreement, signed on 13 February 2001, is the latest attempt to mend the major political crisis in Taiwan. The question as to whether the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant (Lungmen) should be completed has caused a major political crisis between the Democratic People's Party (DPP) government, elected in March 2000, and the nationalist party KuoMinTang (KMT), which had been in power for the previous 50 years.

Undisclosed nuclear research in Taiwan
It was revealed in Nucleonics Week that IAEA safeguards inspectors discovered in the mid-1990s that Taiwan continued to carry out undisclosed nuclear research in breach of its IAEA safeguards agreement. It was alleged that Taiwan was investigating a fuel cycle in which thorium-232 is irradiated to produce fissile uranium-233. The US Government has custodial responsibility for enforcing Taiwan's IAEA safeguards, but the US does not appear to have taken formal action against Taiwan in this matter.
Nucleonics Week, 15 February 2001

The crisis has already cost the job of the previous Premier, Tang Fei (see WISE News Communique 535.5204: "Taiwan: Committee votes to stop construction of Lungmen, premier resigns"). The new Premier, Chang Chung-hsiung, announced on 27 October 2000 that Lungmen will be cancelled, pledging at the same time to make Taiwan nuclear free (see WISE News Communique 538.5217: "Taiwan: Lungmen cancellation announced, political row continues").

In the latest agreement, construction of Lungmen is to be reinstated, but the aim to make Taiwan a nuclear-free country has for the first time been accepted by the KMT. The agreement also says that the Executive Yuan (Cabinet) will submit a relevant (i.e. nuclear) energy bill to the Legislature, which must be agreed by all parties. Finally, the opposition parties agree to resume dialogue with the ruling party once the construction of Lungmen re-starts.

Premier Chang said that that the decision to resume the Lungmen project was a "bitter" but "unavoidable" decision. He suggested that there were more battles to come, but "stability" right now was the paramount concern.

Protests against Lungmen continue. Two protestors set themselves on fire, one in Tainan on 28 January and one outside the legislature building in Taipei on 29 January, in protest against the developments. Another large demonstration is planned for 24 February.

Sources:

  • Taiwan News, 14 February 2001
  • Nucleonics Week, 15 February 2001
  • emails from Gloria Kuang-Jung Hsu and others, 14 February 2001
  • Taipei Times, 30 January 2001

Contact: Taiwan Environmental Protection Union (TEPU), 2nd Fl., 107, section 3, Ting-Chou Road, Taipei, Taiwan,
tel: +886 2 2367 8335 or 2363 6419, fax: +886 2 2364 4293
Email: tepu21@ms39.hinet.net
Internet: www.tepu.org.tw

 

The political "contents" of a Castor

Nuclear Monitor Issue: 
#543
16/02/2001
Article

(February 16, 2001) High-level radioactive waste is once more set to travel across Europe in Castor containers. These large metal flasks also carry political baggage with them, which is no less explosive than the radioactive waste they contain. Furthermore, they carry high symbolic value in the dispute over nuclear power in Germany. The following contribution describes the political "contents" of a Castor.

(543.5247) Jochen Stay - Shortly before the last Castor transport to Ahaus in March 1998, the nuclear industry placed brightly-colored advertisements in all the major German newspapers. The advertisements stated "Strictly speaking, Castor is just another word for safety", or "Strictly speaking, Castor is just another word for democracy", or else "Strictly speaking, Castor is just another word for confidence".

It soon turned out that quite the opposite of these statements was true, as weeks of media attention were devoted to the contamination scandal, which ultimately led to a temporary ban of all Castor transports. Dozens of Castor containers had traveled across Europe with contamination levels way above the limits for around a decade. The industry and the authorities were aware of this all the time but kept quiet about the problem.

Now the transport ban is coming to an end, but it is still questionable whether a Castor is safer now just because the current Environment Minister carries a Green Party membership card. This time, the anti-nuclear movement could (if enough cash were available) place advertisements stating: "Strictly speaking, Castor is just another word for consensus-nonsense", or "Strictly speaking, Castor is just another word for continuation of the nuclear industry", or else "Strictly speaking, Castor is just another word for hushing up nuclear waste incidents". And of course, Castor is another word for resistance. After all, no single word motivates anti-nuclear activists more than the name of this nuclear waste container. The resistance to the Castor transports to Gorleben in 1995, 1996 and 1997 and to Ahaus in 1998 was a success story for the movement. That Angela Merkel as Federal Environment Minister was forced to call a halt to all the transports because of the contamination scandal can be attributed to the fact that the State was close to the limits of its abilities in keeping the transports going.

Now for the first time a Red-Green federal government is testing these limits. Between 27 and 29 March, a train carrying six Castors from the French reprocessing plant at La Hague is due to travel through Germany towards Gorleben. For three years transports have been halted; now the Castor alarm is sounding once more. In these three years, the anti-nuclear movement has had its ups and downs. On the one hand, there was the possibility that delays in the resumption of transports could bring a whole row of plants to the point of being suffocated by their own nuclear waste. On the other hand, the long period without transports could have led to the nuclear debate being kept out of the media spotlight. After all, the great strength of the movement, to bring about massive political pressure during the Castor transports, is also its great weakness if no transports take place. Other focal points of similar intensity have so far not been found. Now of course this question will return to the background, because the transports are starting again... The movement now faces a double challenge. On the one hand, there is the challenge to mobilize and prepare good actions; on the other hand, to carry on the political struggle against the indescribable arguments of the federal government and its constituent parties. Each Castor therefore also has political "contents." The same is true of many cancelled transports...

 

FOUR THAT GOT AWAY
It was recently revealed that four transports of nuclear waste from Germany to France took place in the summer of 2000. These transports consisted largely of scrap from MOX production at Hanau, and therefore were not covered by the ban on transport of spent fuel from Germany to France. However, the way in which the transports were kept secret stands in contrast to the French nuclear industry's claim of a new policy of "openness".

There is also the problem of reprocessing the waste. The coalition of the Greens and the Socialist Party agreed that no more reprocessing contracts would be signed. The waste is currently stored at La Hague, with no plans yet for reprocessing.
Le Monde, 14 February 2001

Necharwestheim-Ahaus: getting to the root of the nuclear waste problem
Originally, March was to see two Castor transports. Apart from the Gorleben transport, there was to be a nuclear waste train from Neckarwestheim NPP to the interim waste storage site at Ahaus. This transport was delayed indefinitely at the end of January, after the Federal Environment Minister Trittin made a directive to the state of Baden-Württemberg that the waste, which was already loaded into Castors at the NPP site, was to be considered "fictitious" (as quoted by the NPP operator), in the sense that it would not be counted when calculating whether the total quantity of radioactive materials on site had reached the limit specified in the site license. The public excitement aroused by this directive diverted attention from the granting of a permit by the same department for three waste transports from Neckarwestheim to the British reprocessing plant at Sellafield at almost the same time. There is also an ongoing argument between the state governments of Baden-Württemberg and North Rhine-Westphalia about whether it would be better to implement the proposed on-site interim storage as soon as possible instead of transporting the waste to Ahaus. The resistance to transports was even used as an argument to push through plans for on-site storage. It is not yet clear if the Federal Nuclear Safety Authority will give a permit at the end of February (as expected) for on-site storage of 24 Castors at Neckarwestheim. Whether the NPP operator can avoid the need for transports to Ahaus is still not clear. However, the way the state and federal governments played things, it seemed that Trittin's department was "behaving responsibly", which produced a great public sense of relief. The great battle predicted by the Ministry of the Interior, the BVS, the police trade union and the media was avoided, and the Green minister "stopped" the Castors.

But at what price? The storage for high-level waste in Block 2 of the Neckarwestheim NPP is full, so that a fuel change during the forthcoming maintenance period from 1 April would not be possible. This could mean the end of the power station. Because the government and operators agreed in the nuclear consensus that Neckarwestheim could run for a further 20 years, this would be a serious setback for the nuclear industry. It would also break another clause in the agreement specifying that no reactor should be taken off the grid because of waste disposal problems. Interim storage sites are planned in many locations. Until they are ready, the Castors are to remain on site at the NPPs, without proper control and despite the unsolved problems concerning the thickness of the lids.

Green Party action ban
On 22 January, the party council of the German Green Party asked its members not to undertake actions against a planned nuclear waste transport from the reprocessing plant in La Hague, France, to the German interim storage in Gorleben, Germany. They said that actions against the transport of high level waste would undermine the German Consensus Agreement on a nuclear phaseout. Although the Greens want to minimize the amount of nuclear transports, the party council considers the return of German origin waste to Gorleben as necessary. Actions like blockades would, they say, endanger the phaseout process and could lead to a standstill. As a press release said: "That applies to a blockade of the realization of interim [on-site] storages [...] but for sure for the blockade of necessary transports. Both will not result in shorter lifetimes, but postpones the time of closing nuclear installations."
(Press release Green Party, 22 January 2001)

"Fictitious" storage (as in Trittin's directive), on-site storage and transports to Ahaus offer no solution to the problem of radioactive waste for future generations, even though in the current debate they are portrayed as a set of alternatives we must choose between. All these measures serve only to solve the lack of storage capacity so that the nuclear waste mountain can keep growing. They do not deal with the current waste, which "must go somewhere", but instead create space for waste that is yet to be produced. The measures are designed to ensure that the plants can continue to run for decades to come, without offering the slightest idea of how to deal responsibly with their radioactive inheritance. The task of the anti-nuclear movement is to shift the debate. The key question is not transport versus interim storage; it is whether the plants should keep going or be shut down.

La Hague - Gorleben: Stop reprocessing!
Likewise, for the transport from La Hague to Gorleben it is not enough to say "Wir stellen uns quer!" (We will block it). The movement must put forward more thorough arguments. Jürgen Trittin made it clear in February 1999 during a visit to Dannenberg what we should expect of him: The Minister will invoke "national responsibility" and pledge to return "German" waste to Germany. Naturally, the local movement supports the demands of anti-nuclear residents around La Hague that the waste belonging to the international energy businesses RWE, E-ON, EnBW and HEW be taken away from Normandy as soon as possible. Equally, Wendland residents have the right to refuse to accept the waste. After all, it is not "their" waste. Which community, then, does have responsibility for the waste?

Which borders count and which not? Can the residents of Lüchow-Dannenberg demand from the Environment Minister that the South Germans should take "their" waste back?
Fortunately it is not so difficult for us to realize that the public statements of Trittin and the Federal Government about "national responsibility" are just hollow rhetoric. First they insist that it is immoral to leave "German" waste in France and then they allow 500 more spent fuel transports to be sent to La Hague in the next 5 years. So much for "national responsibility!"

Why the German-French waste question is the one that counts was made clear by the French Premier Lionel Jospin last October. He quite simply refused to allow any more waste transports to France until the first six Castors of reprocessed waste were sent to the Wendland. The Gorleben transport plays a central role in this package deal. This "six-pack" is just the start. Enough waste for over 100 transports is waiting in La Hague. According to the transport plan of the Nuclear Service Company (GNS), two to three Castor trains per year are to travel from France to Germany.

If this plan grinds to a halt on the first transport because (as the Lower Saxony Environment Minister Bartling has already said) the police do not have the resources this year for the major operation needed to deal with the resistance, then the transports to La Hague will possibly get postponed too.

The police and the border guards will soon have another problem to deal with. From September their holiday leave will be cancelled because of the introduction of Euro coins and banknotes at the end of the year. So many money transports will be needed that, according to the Association of German Banks, major operations like the Castor transports will not be possible. Does Lionel Jospin know this? At the moment, it seems that the arrival of the six containers in Gorleben will be enough to open the gates of La Hague for more German waste. The Environment Ministry of Hessen has already announced that at the end of March / beginning of April (i.e. more or less the same time as the Gorleben transport) the first container from Biblis NPP will be sent to La Hague. This means that the future operation of Stade, Biblis and Philippsburg is also connected to the success or failure of the transport to Gorleben. Because the operators to these plants are pushing for resumption of regular waste transports to La Hague, the on-site spent fuel storage areas are full and additional on-site interim storage has not been implemented.

The package deal with Paris has another fortunate effect: French anti-nuclear activists are now for the first time extensively taking part in protests against the transports to Gorleben. To be sure, they are demanding that the waste leave La Hague. Since, however, it is quite obvious that this transport merely serves to open the gates of La Hague to a far larger quantity of German waste, they have good grounds to oppose it. The conclusion is that we must connect our resistance to Castor transports to Gorleben to a demand for an immediate end to reprocessing. The European "nuclear waste tourism" must come to an end. Best of all, incidentally, by closing down nuclear power plants...

[This article was translated by WISE Amsterdam from the article in graswurzelrevolution, February 2001]

Source and contact: Jochen Stay, Tolstefanz, Jeetzel Nr. 41, 29439 Jeetzel/Wendland, Germany.
Tel: +49 5841 4521,
Email: tolstefanz@jpberlin.de